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Reference Mini-review
Jérôme Tubiana, 2014/07/14. Bibliography item: Jérôme Tubiana (2014/07/14) "Civil Society and the South Sudan Crisis". (Article). International Crisis Group. [Article] International Crisis Group. Accessed online.

A 2,000-word article, which examines the problem of including civil society in current peace talks between GRSS and rebels in Addis Ababa. It sees such involvement as essential; civil society voice should not be left to a later dialogue/reconciliation process. But it argues that 'civil society' should mean more than organizations which are often influenced by donor funders and by ethnic politics. There should be: more emphasis on community and religious leaders; many representatives, to reduce risks of imbalance; and sensitivity to security risks arising for civil society representatives.

Mapuor Malual Manguen, 2014/07/14. Bibliography item: Mapuor Malual Manguen (2014/07/14) "The Conspiracy behind South Sudanese Mysterious peace Talks". (Article). PaanLuel Wël. [Article] PaanLuel Wël. Accessed online.

Surmises that the slow progress of peace talks reflects a lack of interest by neighbours (Sudan, the AU, IGAD) in peace. The mediation approach seems complicated deliberately to make things move slowly.

RSF, 2014/07/11. Bibliography item: RSF (2014/07/11) "Media freedom on hold in South Sudan because of civil war". (Article). Reporters Without Borders. [Article] Reporters Without Borders. Accessed online.

Provides current details of restrictions on press freedom.

Juma Mabor Marial, 2014/07/08. Bibliography item: Juma Mabor Marial (2014/07/08) "IGAD and International Community (TRIOKA) are not doing enough to end Conflict in South Sudan". (Article). South Sudan News Agency. [Article] South Sudan News Agency. Accessed online.

The title of this 2,400-word article is a little misleading. The author rather argues that the Troika countries (USA, UK and Norway) through the IGAD mediators are intruding too much in the Addis Ababa peace talks. It articulates the view that they are trying to impose a substantive outcome through their insistence on the involvement of third-party stakeholders such as dissident politicians and civil society groups. But too many civil society representatives turn out to be self-interested and covertly aligned. They should instead be involved in a post-agreement National Dialogue Conference.

Hilde F. Johnson, 2014/07/08. Bibliography item: Hilde F. Johnson (2014/07/08) "[Parting statement as SRSG to South Sudan]". (other). United Nations. [other] United Nations. Accessed online.

In a press statement on the last day of her term of office, the Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General puts the blame for the current crisis and suffering in Sudan on the leaders of the SPLM party, whether currently rebels, dissidents or in government. 'The SPLM is at risk of failing' due to 'a scramble for power'. South Sudan is afflicted by three diseases: corruption, rule of gun (not law), and a self-serving elite.

Sirir Gabriel Yiei Rut, 2014/07/08. Bibliography item: Sirir Gabriel Yiei Rut (2014/07/08) "Fighting Egos and Paranoia in South Sudan". (Article). South Sudan News Agency. [Article] South Sudan News Agency. Accessed online.

Short article which raises in a non-abusive way the issue of how political leaders - and the people in their countries - can become victims of natural psychological processes.

Thon Awan, 2014/07/07. Bibliography item: Thon Awan (2014/07/07) "Corruption in the Office of the President!". (Article). Nyamilepedia. [Article] Nyamilepedia. Accessed online.

This short article contains an allegation of recent embezzlement of USD 12 million, which appears to be worthy of investigation.

Beny Gideon Mabor, 2014/07/04. Bibliography item: Beny Gideon Mabor (2014/07/04) "The dilemma of IGAD-led peace process for South Sudan". (Article). Sudan Tribune. [Article] Sudan Tribune. Accessed online.

In this short article, one of the representatives of civil society at the South Sudan peace process in Addis Ababa reflects on the slow progress and current suspension of the talks. He argues that some of the blame rests with IGAD's mediation, which 'wasted a lot of time in procedural aspects than on substantive issues'. He would like to see a new mediation strategy 'including mandating the IGAD Special Envoys with powers to decide on certain substantive matters'.

Alex de Waal, 2014/07/01. Bibliography item: Alex de Waal (2014/07/01) "Is South Sudan “the World’s Most Failed State?”". (Article). World Peace Foundation, Tufts University. [Article] World Peace Foundation, Tufts University. Accessed online.

Short article which points out that the Fragile States Index, like the Busan 'New Deal' on aid to fragile states, take formal governmental institutions very much at face value 'without explicitly addressing the political-economic structures that sustain non-institutional modes of governance in the first place'. Suggests that systems of corruption and patronage in South Sudan have been fostered by incentives created by international actors in such sectors as oil, security and aid.

Agok Takpiny, 2014/06/28. Bibliography item: Agok Takpiny (2014/06/28) "How The Rampant Embezzlement Can Be Wrestled Mr President". (Article). Gurtong. [Article] Gurtong. Accessed online.

1,800-word article. Makes the point that South Sudan is distinguished not only in extreme corruption, but 'extreme lack of control and monitoring mechanisms' and a failure to prosecute any corrupt officials. It advocates passing a bill to create a formal procurement system and agency, and giving more resources and autonomy to law enforcement agencies, to stop the impunity of embezzlers.

Daniel Akech Thiong, 2014/06/06. Bibliography item: Daniel Akech Thiong (2014/06/06) "Why SSP Gained Agains USD After Dec. 15, 2014". (Article). Gurtong. [Article] Gurtong. Accessed online.

Short article with interesting economic analysis. Plausibly argues that the main reason for the SSP's strength in the last six months is the non-payment of government salaries, particularly to soldiers who defected.

Jacob K. Lupai, 2014/06/02. Bibliography item: Jacob K. Lupai (2014/06/02) "Federal system of government in South Sudan not ‘kokora’". (Article). South Sudan News Agency. [Article] South Sudan News Agency. Accessed online.

This 1,500-word article addresses the perceived parallel between current calls for federalism, and the 'kokora' or sub-division of Southern Sudan which took place during under the ill-fated Regional Government between 1972 and 1983. An underlying issue is resentment - particularly by Equatorians - of apparent Dinka domination of central government. Kokora was seen as a way of mitigating that, but also causing disunity among Southern Sudanese. The author contends that federalism would be different from kokora, in not involving the eviction of peoples from provinces due to their ethnicity.

Augustino Ting Mayai, 2014/06/01. Bibliography item: Augustino Ting Mayai (2014/06/01) "How the Federal System of Government is Misunderstood in South Sudan". (Report). The Sudd Institute. [Report] The Sudd Institute. Accessed online.

This 4-page report points out that the current transitional constitution of South Sudan uses a kind of federalism, although without the name. Hence the current debate about adopting a federal system is often confused. In the view of the author, the debates should focus on more detailed questions like curtailing the power of the national president to dismiss state governors, and of the finance ministry to control all tax collection, and the central regulation of the judicial system. But he also points out the heavy immediate economic cost of decentralization.

Peter Adwok Nyaba, 2014/06/01. Bibliography item: Peter Adwok Nyaba (2014/06/01) "[Letter to Salva Kiir] Subject: Resignation from the SPLM". (Operating document). PaanLuel Wël. [Operating document] PaanLuel Wël. Accessed online.

Prominent politican and intellectual, Peter Adwok Nyaba, gives his reasons for resigning from the SPLM. It has abandoned its ideals and vision. He does not wish to be party to the 'horrendous crimes being committed against the people of South Sudan' during the current civil war. He does not wish to be party to 'the transformation of the SPLM into a totalitarian machine'. He also has personal grievances of being (he claims wrongly) smeared with the taint of corruption and rebellion and prevented from travelling abroad.

ABA Rule of Law Initiative, 2014/06. Bibliography item: ABA Rule of Law Initiative (2014/06) "Assessment of Justice, Accountability and Reconciliation Measures in South Sudan". (Report). American Bar Association Rule of Law Initiative. [Report] American Bar Association Rule of Law Initiative. Accessed online.

21-page report. Probably the most authoritative assessment so far that GRSS has failed seriously to investigate the atrocities since December 2013 or move to prosecute perpetrators. Reporting fears that the AU Commission of Inquiry might deflect such investigation and prosecution, the report calls for a new mechanism involving professional investigation teams with a UN Chapter VII mandate. It also calls for international reinforcement of the National Platform for Peace and Reconciliation (NPPR) initiative. (The report was funded but not necessarily endorsed by the US State Department.)

Jack Lino Wuor Abeyi, 2014/06. Bibliography item: Jack Lino Wuor Abeyi (2014/06) "South Sudan: Federalism And Prisoner’s Dilemma". (Article). Gurtong. [Article] Gurtong. Accessed online., Accessed online., Accessed online.

Three-part article presenting a temperate and thoughtful collection of arguments against federalism in South Sudan.

Global Witness, 2014/06. Bibliography item: Global Witness (2014/06) "South Sudan: The call for a moratorium on new oil contracts". (Report). Global Witness. [Report] Global Witness. Accessed online.

This attractively-presented 8-page document argues that GRSS should stop making any more big deals with companies in the petroleum sector until it has finished enacting and implementing the legislation that is meant to regulate them. GRSS has not yet met the requirements of the 2012 Petroleum Act. The Petroleum Revenue Management Bill has long been awaiting signature in the President's office. Until these are in place, deals signed are unlikely to be very favourable for the South Sudanese people.

Marjoke Oosterom, 2014/05/30. Bibliography item: Marjoke Oosterom (2014/05/30) "‘It May Approach as Quickly as a Bushfire’: Gendered Violence and Insecurity in South Sudan". (Report). IDS (Institute of Development Studies), UK. [Report] IDS (Institute of Development Studies), UK. Accessed online.

Based on research among mainly Latuko people in Imuruk Payam, Torit County, this 66-page academic-style report looks at how women and men see the threat of violence and respond differently to it. People in the study area had an acute sense of the possibility of violence coming to their area, because of their general understanding of the character of the state in South Sudan. Among many responses and strategies mentioned, men prepare to fight defensively, women and girls are cautious about where they go.

Harry Verhoeven, 2014/05/30. Bibliography item: Harry Verhoeven (2014/05/30) "South Sudan conflict destabilizes Ethiopia’s regional strategy". (Article). Radio Tamazuj. [Article] Radio Tamazuj. Accessed online.

This 1000-word article points out the special interest of Ethiopia in regional stability - an interest built on the potential for the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam to export power to neighbouring countries - and hence in South Sudan stability. In passing, it states that Uganda President Museveni consulted with the US (in the person of National Security Advisor Susan Rice) before sending its troops to help GRSS fight the rebels in December 2013.

John Adoor Deng, 2014/05/28. Bibliography item: John Adoor Deng (2014/05/28) "Rush to Federalism is not the Panacea to South Sudan’s Chronic Tribulations". (Article). PaanLuel Wël. [Article] PaanLuel Wël. Accessed online.

This 1,500-word article explains that federalism comes in a wide range of strengths, but generally opposes it for South Sudan at present on three grounds: (1) that South Sudan lacks enough common bond of unity to hold it together under a federal system; (2) the present lack of democracy does not provide a suitable basis for a federal system and (3) the present culture of corruption at the national level would be transmitted to the separate parts of the federation.

Darren Bul, 2014/05/22. Bibliography item: Darren Bul (2014/05/22) "A Graduate of Jubocracy". (Article). PaanLuel Wël. [Article] PaanLuel Wël. Accessed online.

A nice little fable (probably true) about how young children get to see the government as intrinsically predatory.

Michael Medley, 2014/05/22. Bibliography item: Michael Medley (2014/05/22) "May Awakening: South Sudan famine raises memories of 1998". (Article). African Arguments. [Article] African Arguments. Accessed online.

This 2,700-word article examines similaries and differences between the 1998 Bahr al-Ghazal famine and the (prospective) famine in 2014. It draws attention to the tendency of political-military events to distract timely attention from likely humanitarian needs, but also for a humanitarian agenda to disguise political-military agendas, interests and outcomes. It warns of the difficulty of controlling the dynamics of camps and relief distributions, and the near-inevitability that much of the relief will be stolen by armed groups and other powerful local actors.

Garang Atem Ayiik, 2014/05/20. Bibliography item: Garang Atem Ayiik (2014/05/20) "South Sudan Pound Appreciation, Risks and Policy Options". (Article). PaanLuel Wël. [Article] PaanLuel Wël. Accessed online.

This article sets out to understand why the SSP has strengthened against the USD in the black market since December 2013, and why bank are refusing or rationing withdrawals of USD from USD bank accounts. The author surmises that USD are leaking from the Central Bank into the black market without passing through the official market, and that too many SSP are being held in the banks. He recommends that the asset position of the Central Bank should be monitored, and that more SSP released into the economy (by prompt payment of salaries) to prevent a catastrophic reduction in economic activity.

Lual Magok, 2014/05/20. Bibliography item: Lual Magok (2014/05/20) "What is Government Programme toward Citizens who Stranded in UNMISS Camps". (Article). Nyamilepedia. [Article] Nyamilepedia. Accessed online.

This 1,300-word article, based on informal research in UNMISS camps in Juba, looks at why Nuer people still refuse to leave the camps. Besides stronger assurance of physical security, they need ways of recovering the homes, possessions and jobs, many of which have been taken over by others. The article lists ten measures which GRSS must take in order to exercise its duty of care and protection.

Zechariah Manyok Biar, 2014/05/18. Bibliography item: Zechariah Manyok Biar (2014/05/18) "How leaders contribute to tribalism in South Sudan". (Article). Sudan Tribune. [Article] Sudan Tribune. Accessed online.

This 1,000-word article contends that tribal conflicts are inflamed when political and military leaders surround themselves with bodyguards [and other staff] from their own tribe. In many South Sudan cultures, the author writes, the elders give orders to youth indirectly. For a leader in a modern state institution this has inappropriate political and legal consequences. The author recommends a legal ban on speech which belittles any ethnic group, or which suggests that one group is above the others. He also wants law to give a people freedom to live as a citizen in any state of South Sudan.

Chaloka Beyani, 2014/05/14. Bibliography item: Chaloka Beyani (2014/05/14) "Report of the Special Rapporteur on the human rights of internally displaced persons, Chaloka Beyani: Mission to South Sudan (Advance Unedited Version)". (Report). UN Human Rights Council. [Report] UN Human Rights Council. Accessed online.

The report finds a lack of 'adequate capacities and institutional preparedness to prevent and respond to internal displacement' both among government and international aid agencies. It makes many recommendations.

Charlton Doki, 2014/05/12. Bibliography item: Charlton Doki (2014/05/12) "South Sudan, Where Livestock Outnumbers People and the Environment Suffers". (Article). IRIN Humanitarian News and Analysis. [Article] IRIN Humanitarian News and Analysis. Accessed online.

This short article outlines some of the environmental risks posed by attitudes to livestock in South Sudan, and suggests that stronger government policies are needed to control this.

Robert Young Pelton, 2014/05/12. Bibliography item: Robert Young Pelton (2014/05/12) "Saving South Sudan". (Article). Vice. [Article] Vice. Accessed online.

50,000-word article. Based on a daring journey to visit rebel commander Riek Machar and some of his military operations in the field, this long article is a compelling read. Riddled with statements which are simplistic, inaccurate or plain untrue (especially in matters of historical background), it is nevertheless an important contribution to knowledge of South Sudan, because of an insightful portrayal of Riek Machar and  an authentic depiction of horrors and farce around of one of captures of Malakal by the SPLM/A-IO and White Army.

Juma Mabor Marial, 2014/05/11. Bibliography item: Juma Mabor Marial (2014/05/11) "The Genesis and Phenomenon of Intra-Clans’ Conflict and Revenge Attacks in Lakes State". (Article). South Sudan News Agency. [Article] South Sudan News Agency. Accessed online., Accessed online., Accessed online.

In this three-part article, totalling over six thousand words, Juma Mabor Marial suggests there is an innate tendency for clan feuding among the Galweng (cattle-herding youth), and blames leaders and educated elites for failing to curb it. He says it was limited more effectively during the war before 2005, due to the strength of relatively uninhibited military rule. But since then, although governors have had military backgrounds, the peacetime conditions did not allow them to impose force so easily, and they were not educated enough to find civil ways of governing.

Eric Reeves, 2014/05/11. Bibliography item: Eric Reeves (2014/05/11) "Cease-fire in South Sudan falters". (Article). Sudan Tribune. [Article] Sudan Tribune. Accessed online.

Short article in which Reeves contends that the ceasefire agreed by Salva Kiir and Riek Machar on 9th May is already falling apart, and 'never had a chance', due to the weakness of the monitoring bodies and failure of Western nations to strengthen them on time.

Kachuol Mabil Piok, 2014/05/11. Bibliography item: Kachuol Mabil Piok (2014/05/11) "South Sudan: Beyond transitional government". (Article). PaanLuel Wël. [Article] PaanLuel Wël. Accessed online.

This article puts the case for federalism or decentralization strikingly:

we must devolve corruption to the states, and down to the counties such that each community will be able to deal with its mini thieves at the local level

Salva Kiir Mayardit and Riek Machar Teny, 2014/05/09. Bibliography item: Salva Kiir Mayardit (2014/05/09) "Agreement to Resolve the Crisis in South Sudan". (Operating document). IGAD (Inter-Governmental Authority on Development). [Operating document] IGAD (Inter-Governmental Authority on Development). Accessed online.
UNMISS, 2014/05/08. Bibliography item: UNMISS (2014/05/08) "Conflict in South Sudan: A Human Rights Report". (Report). United Nations Mission in the Republic of South Sudan. [Report] United Nations Mission in the Republic of South Sudan. Accessed online.

This report is an important landmark in the progress of investigation and accountability for atrocities during the 2013/14 rebellion. It provides the most detailed and comprehensive view so far of these. While acknowledging that it does not yet meet the level required for prosecutions, it strongly makes the case not only that war crimes have taken place, but that these are systematic enough to indicate crimes against humanity. The RSS law system should be strengthened to deal with these cases and if GRSS does not provide this then a special or hybrid international tribunal should be formed.

Deng Mading Gatwech, 2014/05/05. Bibliography item: Deng Mading Gatwech (2014/05/05) "Geopolitics on Nile Water: Its Implications on S. Sudan Conflict". (Article). South Sudan News Agency. [Article] South Sudan News Agency. Accessed online.

Against a background of quickly-rising tensions between Egypt and Ethiopia over the latter's construction of its Grand Renaissance Dam, and recent indications of military aid from Egypt to GRSS, the author argues that Egypt may be seeking to use South Sudan for threatening or attacking the dam; a possibility which has serious implications for domestic and regional politics and security.

Daniel van Oudenaren, 2014/05/04. Bibliography item: Daniel van Oudenaren (2014/05/04) "Major language constraints on media reach in South Sudan". (Article). Radio Tamazuj. [Article] Radio Tamazuj. Accessed online.

The article explains why a large proportion of South Sudanese people lack effective access to national public information, and hence lack much voice in public affairs. The main factor discussed is the failure of radio media to broadcast in local languages. Blame is put on politicians who see media in terms of propaganda rather than factual reporting.

ACAPS, 2014/05/03. Bibliography item: ACAPS (2014/05/03) "Disaster Needs Analysis - 3/05/2014 Update - South Sudan - Upper Nile, Unity and Jonglei". (Report). Assessment Capacities Project. [Report] Assessment Capacities Project. Accessed online.

51-page report which gives a detailed and accessible - though approximate and perhaps gap-ridden - view of the impending disaster. It reports that recent conflict has resulted in 1.2 million refugees and intenally people displaced people, widespread disruption of agriculture, other sources of household income, trade routes, humanitarian access and facilities for basic health, water, sanitation and education.

HSBA, 2014/05/02. Bibliography item: HSBA (2014/05/02) "The SPLM-in-Opposition". (Report). Human Security Baseline Assessment for Sudan and South Sudan, Small Arms Survey. [Report] Human Security Baseline Assessment for Sudan and South Sudan, Small Arms Survey. Accessed online.

This 11-page report is about more than the SPLM-in-Opposition strictly defined. It surveys prominent individuals and organized groups in opposition to the rule of Salva Kiir more broadly, as from 2005 up to 2014/04/01, and narrates their most relevant histories.

Radio Tamazuj, 2014/05/01. Bibliography item: Radio Tamazuj (2014/05/01) "Understanding the Bentiu massacres in South Sudan". (Article). Radio Tamazuj. [Article] Radio Tamazuj. Accessed online.

Careful account of what is publicly known about the Bentiu massacres of 15-16 April, ahead of further investigations and reports from UNMISS and others.

David K. Deng, 2014/05. Bibliography item: David K. Deng (2014/05) "Special Court for Serious Crimes (SCSC): A Proposal for Justice and Accountability in South Sudan". (Report). South Sudan Law Society. [Report] South Sudan Law Society. Accessed online.

This 12-page working paper is an important step in developing the idea of using a hybrid court to try people responsible for gross atrocities in the recent violent conflict. It considers many practical implications of the idea and creates a solid framework for further discussion and action. Its key recommendations are: (1)  Include language in a peace agreement providing for justice and accountability; (2) Prohibit amnesties for international crimes; (3) Educate people about the court; (4) Assess national capacity to administer a hybrid court; (5) Adopt regional and international treaties.

Jacob Akol, 2014/05. Bibliography item: Jacob Akol (2014/05) "The Need for an Ethnically Rooted Constitution for South Sudan as a Foundation for Democracy and National Stability". (Article). Gurtong. [Article] Gurtong. Accessed online.

This article (originally a conference paper) revives the idea of a 'House of Nationalities' - a permanent forum representing each of 60 or more defined ethnic groups in South Sudan - which had been developed between 2000 and 2004 (see here). The article suggests this should be a chamber under the constitution, possibly an upper house of parliament. The author links this to the radical recognition of sovereignty for all nationalities under the state which is professed in the Ethiopian constitution of 1994.

Amnesty International, 2014/05. Bibliography item: Amnesty International (2014/05) "Nowhere Safe: Civilians Under Attack in South Sudan". (Report). Amnesty International. [Report] Amnesty International. Accessed online.

This 68-page report covers events of the December 2013 rebellion and subsequent fighting up to around March, from a human rights point of view. It is based partly on an investigative mission which took place in March. Without being a final definitive account, it adds weight and illustrative vividness to previous accounts of atrocities by forces of GRSS and rebels, and also a useful narrative of the flow of events. It also demonstrates a pattern of impunity for atrocities under GRSS going back to 2005, in which governmental institutions prove unwilling or unable to yield results.

CARE, 2014/05. Bibliography item: CARE (2014/05) "‘The girl has no rights’: Gender-based violence in South Sudan". (Report). CARE. [Report] CARE. Accessed online.

This short and attractively-presented report can work as an introduction to the problem of gender-based violence in South Sudan, and a reminder of how formidable it is. The 'base line survey' on which the report is pegged does not appear to yield reliably precise information, but it tends to confirm what was already suspected: that women rarely report violence against them, and, when they do, rarely receive much support.

Jonah Leff and Emile LeBrun, 2014/05. Bibliography item: Jonah Leff (2014/05) "Following the Thread: Arms and Ammunition Tracing in Sudan and South Sudan". (Report). Small Arms Survey. [Report] Small Arms Survey. Accessed online.

Recaps Small Arms Survey's programme of tracing arms flows in Sudan and South Sudan over the last ten years.

Among flows that the project has demonstrated are:

  • arms supplies to David Yau Yau's group and other rebel militia in South Sudan sent from the Sudan Government up to January 2013 (many of these arms came from China, but much of the ammunition is manufactured in Sudan.)
  • GRSS arming of youth against rebel militias in Jonglei in 2010 and 2011
  • arming of local youth in Jonglei by rebel militia.
Daniel van Oudenaren, 2014/05. Bibliography item: Daniel van Oudenaren (2014/05) "Peacekeeping under attack in South Sudan". (Article). Radio Tamazuj. [Article] Radio Tamazuj. Accessed online., Accessed online.

This three-part article is more gripping and incisive than its title suggests. It argues that UNMISS could and should have adopted a less cautious and defensive strategy. After the debacle of Akobo on 19 December, when some of its soldiers were captured and two killed, it focussed on protecting its own bases and the civilians sheltering there when atrocities were happening nearby. It's public statements seem to have been subdued in the face of intimidation by GRSS.

William Eagle, 2014/04/31. Hybrid Court Suggested for South Sudan [Article] Voice of America. Accessed online.

This short article goes some way towards developing the idea of using a hybrid court - combining international and domestic law and personnel - to try leaders accused of crimes in the context of the December 2013 rebellion and subsequent civil war.

Jok Madut Jok and others, 2014/04/28. The Release of South Sudan’s Political Detainees and the Prospects for Peace [Report] The Sudd Institute. Accessed online.

In this 7-page weekly review, the Sudd Institute welcomes the government's order to stay the trial of four alleged coup-plotters as a concession in the peace process, although it recognizes the arguments that its curtailment of the case could have been to save its own embarrasment at an acquittal and does not demonstrate full commitment to the rule of law.

Alex de Waal, 2014/04/27. Bibliography item: Alex de Waal (2014/04/27) "Can there be a Democratic Developmental Peace?". (Article). World Peace Foundation, Tufts University. [Article] World Peace Foundation, Tufts University. Accessed online.

Originally an address to African leaders at the Tana High Level Forum, this (sometimes provocative) article emphasizes the way states are financed after peace agreements. A 'rental peace' (based on sharing of state resources among factions and their leaders) is sustainable only while the national budget expands. It can marginally be improved by better ways of managing, regulating and using money. But a 'democratic developmental peace' is more like the one in Burundi, where there were many contending parties and talks became a kind of exercise in national civic education.

Jok Madut Jok, 2014/04/27. The Undeniable Facts About South Sudan’s Conflict [Article] Gurtong. Accessed online.

Jok Madut Jok first analyses the current conflict in terms of members of a corrupt political elite vying for office, and seeking ethnic support, leading to inter-ethnic killing. He partly blames the political apathy of citizens for going along with this rather than targeting the real problems of the state. Jok observes that there can be no clear victor in the war, and that none of the parties can escape responsibility for the suffering caused. He criticizes Western and IGAD states for imposing an approach to negotiations involving the seven former detainees.

Nhial Tiitmamer, 2014/04/22. South Sudan’s Mining Policy and Resource Curse [Report] The Sudd Institute. Accessed online.

This paper is designed to prompt and inform amendments to the Policy Framework for the Minerals and Mining Sector, 2013 (a document whose contents are only briefly described, and apparently not currently available on the internet). Based partly on the good practice of Botswana, the paper contends that the policy should include more two-way linkages with strategies in other sectors, especially road and energy infrastructure, education, and health. It should also include the creation of mineral resource funds, and insist on remediation and reclamation for defunct mining sites.

 

Eric Reeves and John Prendergast, 2014/04/19. Preventing Genocide in South Sudan [Article] South Sudan News Agency. Accessed online.

Ahead of the US State Secretary's visit to the peace talks in Addis Ababa, the international community is urged to help avert a greater catastrophe in South Sudan by: (1) increasing international forces in the country; (2) negotiating cross-line routes for humanitarian aid under a respected international figure; (3) ensuring punishment of indivuals who commit war crimes, through targeted sanctions (not only by the US but a coalition of countries), creation of hybrid courts, and referrals to the ICC; and (4) more support to the peace process and participation of opposition and civil society. 

AFP, 2014/04/17. Child soldiers in ’White Army’ in Upper Nile [Article] Radio Tamazuj. Accessed online.

Provides some insight into the attitudes of White Army fighters, and their place in Riek Machar's rebellion.

International Crisis Group, 2014/04/10. South Sudan: A civil war by any other name [Report] International Crisis Group. Accessed online.

47-page report. Narrates the origins and early consequences of the December 2015 rebellion. Recommends inclusion of all stakeholders (including civil society representatives) in the peace process rather than pursuing a short-term fix among elites. More distinctively, the report highlights the inconsistency in UNMISS's mandate and practice: supporting GRSS functions in some areas but claiming neutrality as between the forces of GRSS and rebels in other places. The report contends that the mandate should be clearly consolidated and communicated around the neutral role.

Juliana Bol, 2014/04/05. Community-led peace process, an alternative to IGAD [Article] Sudan Tribune. Accessed online.

In view of the slowness and difficulty of progress in the IGAD-led peace process, this article helps set an agenda for community-level peace processes which may not be dependent on it. It outlines the main tasks that would be involved, drawing on historical examples of such processes, particularly the Wunlit and Lillir meetings of 1999-2000. In passing it notes that one of the main recommendations of the Wunlit and Lillir meetings - re-estabishment of the older series of annual peace meetings at Fangak - has not been implemented.

Deng Vanang, 2014/04/03. General James Hoth, SPLA Chief of General Staff [Article] South Sudan News Agency. Accessed online.

Biographical article which probes the loyalties and motivations of James Hoth Mai, who, since the rebellion of December 2013 seems the most powerful Nuer office-holder remaining in GRSS.

Gunnar M. Sørbø, 2014/04/02. Return to war in South Sudan [Report] NOREF (Norwegian Peacebuilding Resource Centre). Accessed online.

Three-page policy brief. Very much a standard Western view of the current crisis except for the vehemence of its repudiation of 'the idea that there are two discernible camps – the Dinka-dominated government and the Nuer-dominated opposition'.

Small Arms Survey, 2014/04. Excess Arms in South Sudan Security Forces and Surplus Management [Report] Small Arms Survey. Accessed online.

This 16-page report finds that South Sudan has no policy for management of surplus arms, and that inventory control is generally weak.

Awak Bior and others, 2014/03/31. [Letter to African Union Commission of Inquiry on South Sudan] Re: Initial Recommendations on the Implementation of the Mandate of the Commission of Inquiry [Operating document] South Sudan News Agency. Accessed online.

This clear-visioned open letter from members of CPJ (Citizens for Peace and Justice) gives advice to the AU Commission of Inquiry on South Sudan, and sets out 'Five Pillars of a "Just Peace"'. The advice is about: (1) stakeholders in civil society who should be engaged with; (2) need for the Commission to communicate with the public; (3) suggested first steps when they arrive in South Sudan. The 'Five Pillars' are: (1) Truth before forgiveness; (2) Justice is non-negotiable; (3) Reparations: A Transition from Victimhood to Citizenship; (4) Institutional reform; (5) Memorialization.

Luke Patey, 2014/03/31. India’s Kings of Crude Troubled by Oil Investments in Africa [Article] African Arguments. Accessed online.

Argues that India needs stronger diplomatic involvement in South Sudan in order to protect the commercial interests of ONGC Videsh Ltd. (OVL), whose oil production has been hit by the recent crisis of rebellion.

Akim Mugisa, 2014/03/28. Breaking ground [Article] The Niles. Accessed online.

Article on the weakness of land law and land rights in South Sudan. Suggests a need for more education for citizens to help them resist being cheated of land.

Alex de Waal, 2014/03/27. Visualizing South Sudan: Rent-Seeking Rebellions [Article] World Peace Foundation, Tufts University. Accessed online.

This very brief article presents the sketched outline of a theory of politics and violence in South Sudan, based on the idea of 'rent-seeking rebellions' in which members of the political and military elite rebel largely in order to be eventually re-incorporated into the kleptocratic state on more favourable terms. It states that the dynamic is characteristically turbulent: 'inherently unpredictable or chaotic from one moment to the next, but maintain[ing] its overall structure over a period of time'.

 

Civil society members, 2014/03/26. South Sudan Civil Society Declaration on Civil Society Engagement in the IGAD-Led Peace Process for Sustainable Peace and Development [Operating document] Gurtong. Accessed online.

This document signed by representatives of various civil society groups currently in Addis Ababa during peace talks, calls for: (1) a stop to the war between GRSS and rebels; (2) humanitarian corridors; (3) immediate amendment of the Transitional Constitution to curb executive powers, increase the independence of the Judiciary, and strengthen the process for creating a new constitution; (4) restructure the SPLA with ethnic diversity and a central command; (5) enhanced role of civil society; (6) peace talks to include a well-reasoned economic vision (7) civil society to be included in talks.

Oyet Nathaniel Pierino, 2014/03/24. Why President Salva kiir Must Leave Power: The Inside Story of the Meltdown of President Salva Kiir’s Regime and Collapsed [Article] South Sudan News Agency. Accessed online.

Article by a senior academic, published shortly after he publicly joined the SPLM-in-Opposition. The main thrust is to denounce President Kiir. It claims - among other things - that SPLM/A had split between Garang and Kiir factions before the 2005 signing of the CPA; that John Garang's death shortly afterwards was arranged by Uganda President Museveni; that Kuol Manyang deterred challengers to Kiir's succession with a pistol; that Kiir's irregular militias were trained by Ugandans; that Kiir ordered targeted killing of Nuer. Illustrates ethnic bias by providing lists of top office-holders.

Deng Dekuek, 2014/03/22. Why the South Sudan government is right to boycott Addis talks [Article] Radio Tamazuj. Accessed online.

Clear articulation of the case that the current peace process between government and rebels is stuck because of a tendency of the IGAD mediators and their Western backers to dictate rather than mediate.

Kevin Cope, 2014/03/21. South Sudan’s Constitutional Bait-and-Switch [Article] PaanLuel Wël. Accessed online.

Argues that over-centralization in the national (interim) constitution may be a cause of the current crisis. Also that this over-centralization was largely created in the process of converting the Southern Sudan constitution of 2005 into the interim national constitution of 2011. While the former adopted a principle of decentralization (which supported Southern Sudan's autonomy within Sudan), the latter was more influenced by concern about internal security threats, and the SPLM's instinctive response was to move toward 'unrestrained central executive authority'.

Tongun Lo Loyuong, 2014/03/20. Making sense of the surge in anti-western sentiments in South Sudan [Article] Radio Tamazuj. Accessed online.

This article, by a US-based South Sudanese policy analyst, argues that recent public criticisms and demonstrations against UNMISS and Western actors in South Sudan are orchestrated by GRSS as 'a defensive political ploy meant to discredit these actors and their subsequent indictments as a “colonial agenda,” “politically motivated” and so on....The fear and paranoia from the impending international justice and accountability for the tens of thousands of lives lost in this violent conflict can...be negotiated and a compromise win-win solution for all can be reached in the roundtable'.

IRIN, 2014/03/19. Regional interests at stake in the South Sudan crisis [Article] IRIN Humanitarian News and Analysis. Accessed online.

Analysis of the motivations of South Sudan's key neighbours in the current crisis of rebellion and peace negotions.

HSBA, 2014/03/18. The Conflict in Upper Nile State [Article] Human Security Baseline Assessment for Sudan and South Sudan, Small Arms Survey. Accessed online.

2,000-word narrative on the rebellion-related fighting in Upper Nile State since December 2013.

HSBA, 2014/03/18. The Conflict in Unity State [Article] Human Security Baseline Assessment for Sudan and South Sudan, Small Arms Survey. Accessed online.

1,400-word article narrating the fighting in Unity State associated with the rebellion since December 2013.

J4J4 Campaign, 2014/03/16. ‘Juba four’ trial inherently flawed [Article] Radio Tamazuj. Accessed online.

This article - by a campaign supporting the 'Juba Four' (Pag'an Amum, Oyay Deng, Majak D'Agoot and Ezekiel Lol Gatkuoth) - lays out the ways in which their detention and current trial have been unconstitutional and unjust. Principally these are that: the four were detained without being properly charged; that they are being tried at a Special Court which has not been convened in accordance with the national consitution; that they have not been given proper opportunity to prepare a defence. Accordingly it calls for their immediate release.

Jacob Dut Chol, 2014/03/16. The politics of Regional Integration: Why South Sudan Joining EAC Bloc is Political and Economic Chicanery? [Article] PaanLuel Wël. Accessed online.
Garang Atem Ayiik, 2014/03/15. Prospects of South Sudan Joining East Africa Community – Highlighting Risks and Policy Options [Article] PaanLuel Wël. Accessed online.

Serious but clear policy article which argues that the immaturity of the economy means it would be dangerous for South Sudan to become a full member of the East African Community. It would not help exports because South Sudan is not structurally ready to become an exporter of much besides its oil. South Sudan also still needs freedom to set its own monetary and fiscal policies. It should apply for observer status for the time being instead of immediately becoming a full member.

Alex de Waal, 2014/03/13. Visualizing South Sudan: The Culprit: The Army [Article] World Peace Foundation, Tufts University. Accessed online.

Single-webpage article which includes the interesting (but unreferenced) assertions that the SPLA has nearly 250,000 soldiers among which are 745 generals (more generals than the US army). In 2012, defence accounted for about 35% of government expenditure, of which about 80% was payroll.

Elena Balatti, 2014/03/07. Malakal: An Eye-Witness Diary [Article] Gurtong. Accessed online.

Valuable testimony by a nun, which helps one visualise more clearly what happened in Malakal during in early 2014.

Mark Mayen Ater, 2014/03/07. Power Sharing And The Prospect Of Future Genocide [Article] Gurtong. Accessed online.

Argues plausibly that a power-sharing arrangement - as proposed by mediators to resolve the rebellion crisis - is doomed to fail. Any balance of power between ethnic-based political groups will eventually be disturbed, and there will be a new outbreak of genocidal violence, as in Rwanda in 1991-1993. "Political survival of some political leaders depends on their ability to instigate and maintain hostilities between communities....The elite’s concession to inclusive government is basically derived [from patronage opportunities] hence making it impossible for serious issues to be solved."

Ban Ki-Moon, 2014/03/06. Report of the Secretary-General on South Sudan [Report] United Nations Security Council. Accessed online.

Covering the period from 2013/11/08 to 2014/03/06, the report narrates the rebellion, its humanitarian effects, and the actions of UNMISS. It blames South Sudan's leaders collectively for letting power struggles 'spiral out of control' and envisages a need for 'fundamental systemic reform' in the country.

Gabriel Garang Atem Ayiik, 2014/03/06. Examining the Exchange Rate Policy in RSS: Who was Right between Parliament and the Bank of South Sudan [Article] PaanLuel Wël. Accessed online.

Sophisticated but accessible analysis of exchange rate policy.

Daidït Maa, 2014/03/06. Not Every Nuer has a Date with Riek Machar [Article] PaanLuel Wël. Accessed online.

Short article which combines reportage of a dramatic recent event (shootings around SPLA HQ barracks), useful factual background (the preponderance of Nuer soldiers even in units of the SPLA loyal to GRSS) and a well-made point.

PaanLuel Wël, 2014/03/06. What Happened on Wednesday, March 5th, 2014 in Juba? [Article] PaanLuel Wël. Accessed online.

Clear and thoughtful account of what was known of the 5th March events the day afterwards.

Hilde F. Johnson, 2014/03/06. The UN in South Sudan: impartial, unwavering and committed [Article] Sudan Tribune. Accessed online.

The head of the UN in South Sudan presents the case for the value of UN (especially UNMISS) presence and actions during the violence of the recent displacement. She dismisses some accusations of government officials suggesting complicity with the rebels as 'baseless' and 'misrepresentations of our role'. She promises a comprehensive human rights report at the end of April.

Daniel van Oudenaren, 2014/03/05. Political dimensions of the South Sudan crisis [Article] Radio Tamazuj. Accessed online.

Argues that the roots of the current crisis lie in the structures and culture of the SPLM, deriving from its tutelage by the Mengistu/Derg regime in Ethiopia before 1991. The constitutional structure of the SPLM echoes that of the ruling party in the Derg (and Soviet Union) regimes. It's practical effect is to create vacuums of authority which the top leader tries to fill. This has specially been the case since the failure to hold a new National Liberation Council meeting before the authority of the previous one expired. The US and other Western powers over-estimated their own influence.

SSHRC, 2014/03. Interim Report on South Sudan Internal Conflict December 15, 2013 - March 15, 2014 [Report] South Sudan Human Rights Commission. Accessed online.

This 13-page report by the Human Rights Commission finds that there was 'mass violation of human rights'. It details some of this, mostly without being able to attribute responsibility further than to say there was 'loss of control over forces by the government and rebel force commanders respectively'. It insists on facing up to the problem of ethnic hatred rather than denying that killings were ethnically motivated. It urges further investigation by the Government and AU commissions of inquiry, leading to prosecutions. And it doubts government claims that 100 SPLA suspects were detained.

Rachel Gordon, 2014/03. In the eye of the storm: An analysis of internal conflict in South Sudan’s Jonglei State [Report] Feinstein International Center, Tufts University. Accessed online.

Explores the complexity of conflict and underdevelopment in Jonglei, warning against simplistic analyses or proffered solutions. Notes that "elites have maintained or fallen back on the strategies they employed throughout the decades of war for solidifying their own social and financial positions in the face of constant threat" and concludes that "the causes of conflict must be disaggregated and chipped away without unrealistic hopes for quick solutions" but also that "the perpetrators and enablers of violence...must be consistently held accountable through both words and actions".

Gabriel Garang Atem Ayiik, 2014/02/24. Long Term Approach to Peaceful Coexistence of Tribes in South Sudan [Article] PaanLuel Wël. Accessed online.

Diagnoses South Sudan's problems as largely due to dominant objectives among classes of illiterate people and educated elites. The motivations of revenge and loot among the first, and pursuit of power among the second, often combine but can also conflict. The way to advance socially is to propagate education more strongly. This will create a middle class which can be a force for stability, at the same time as enhancing the human capital of the nation and creating a citizenry interested in democracy and public policies rather than factional struggle.

 

UNMISS Human Rights Division, 2014/02/21. Interim report on human rights: Crisis in South Sudan: Report coverage 15 December 2013 - 31 January 2014 [Report] United Nations. Accessed online.

Lays out a general narrative of the first month and a half of the rebellion, with a focus on major areas of reported human rights violation. While confidently stating that atrocities were committed by people linked to both GRSS and the rebels, it acknowledges that the details of most incidents still need further investigation, and lays out a roadmap for this.

FAO and WFP, 2014/02/20. South Sudan: FAO/WFP Crop and Food Security Assessment Mission to South Sudan, 20 February 2014 [Report] FAO and WFP. Accessed online.

Finds that cereal production increased nationally in 2013 compared with 2012 and the 5-year average, despite a decrease in the (comparatively small) sector of larger and mechanized farms. Livestock conditions were also comparatively good. Food insecurity was at a 5-year minimum: the proportion of people with inadequate food consumption in October 2013 was down to 33%, from 40% in October 2012. Nevertheless overall cereal deficit is still put at more than 400,000 tonnes.

John Prendergast, 2014/02/19. “Peace Must Come Soon”: A Field Dispatch from South Sudan [Report] Enough Project. Accessed online.

Outlines major allegations of atrocities and other damage done since the rebellion of 15 December 2013. Argues that a broad-based inclusive peace process is essential and that, although difficult this could give South Sudan 'a second chance to re-boot' (p. 6), i.e. address its underlying problems. Processes of investigation, punishment and compensations are also needed. Proposes an infusion of international legal staff to bolster South Sudanese court capacity. Advocates international targeted sanctions against individuals who undermine peace, and the withdrawal of most Ugandan troops.

Matthew T. Simpson and Ahmed H. Adam, 2014/02/19. Don’t decriminalise war crimes [Article] Sudan Tribune. Accessed online.

Against Mbeki and Mamdani (5th February), Simpson and Adam argue the case for criminal prosecutions of perpetrators in cases of large-scale violence. It does not exclude other approaches to resolving conflict. Courts like the ICC dispense impartial justice rather than victors' justice, and need not deepen social divisions. We should not lament the exclusion of war criminals from nation building. Prosecution creates deterrents from future abuses. It clears the ground for political progress, as in the case of former Yugoslavia. It is cathartic for victims. Comprehensive initiatives are needed.

Fatima Ghazali and Hussein Maar Nyuot, 2014/02/17. Machar Delegation Spokesman: “The country is ruled by corruption” [Article] The Niles. Accessed online.

Interview of rebel spokesperson, Hussein Maar Nyuot, in which he states issues and events leading to the flashpoint of rebellion on 15 December 2013.

Salva Kiir Mayardit, 2014/02/15. Kiir’s ‘one people, one nation’ speech [other] Radio Tamazuj. Accessed online.

In the aftermath of the December 2013 rebellion, Kiir calls for forgiveness and reconciliation among people of different ethnic groups. He speaks of the benefit of strength which comes when military and political leadership are combined. Denies that he ordered disarmament of Nuer on 15th December. Laments AU decision to regard Riek Machar's rebels as an actor with some legitimacy. Admits that a 'reserve army' had been recruited from Dinka areas of greater Bahr El Ghazal, but denies that this was a private army. Suggests that he is personally less corrupt than many others in South Sudan.

Mahmood Mamdani, 2014/02/15. South Sudan and its unending bloody conflict: No power-sharing without political reform [Article] The East African.

This 5,000-word article is particularly interesting in view of its author's status as a public intellectual and a member of the AU Commission of Enquiry. Mamdani argues that the rebellion crisis has roots in colonial techniques for managing populations as tribes, which still shape politico-social relationships. It blames a failure to build institutional culture in the SPLM/A and a 'shoddy' 2005 peace agreement largely on the influence of the US's War on Terror. It sees a way forward in combining political reforms with power-sharing, rather than punishing the perpetrators of gross violence.

GRSS, 2014/02/06. The Truth about the Aborted Coup of Dr. Riek Machar and his group of the 15th December, 2013; documented by the Government of the Republic of South Sudan [Report] Government of the Republic of South Sudan. Accessed online.

17-page GRSS account of the events and circumstances surrounding what it characterizes as the 'aborted coup' by Riek Machar. Includes some details of the aftermath up to early February 2014, including military developments, the prosecution of suspected coup plotters, and the policies and strategies of the government to reach peace.

Thabo Mbeki and Mahmood Mamdani, 2014/02/05. Courts Can’t End Civil Wars [Article] New York Times. Accessed online.

Mbeki and Mamdani argue against criminalizing the perpetrators of violence in cases such as the aftermath of the recent violence in South Sudan. Represented currently by the ICC, they call this the 'Nuremburg model'. A better model is that of Codesa, which ended apartheid in South Africa. The Nuremburg model assumes no need for former enemies to live together; it excludes the losers from political life and does not solve underlying problems. The Codesa approach brought successes not only in South Africa but also Mozambique, Uganda and - arguably - at the end of the American Civil War.

Eluzai Hakim and others, 2014/02/01. Unleashing the Potential for Good Governance in the Republic of South Sudan [Report] South Sudanese Professionals in Diaspora. Accessed online.

This paper by five diaspora intellectuals is intended to influence post-rebellion settlement discussions. It affirms widespread principles of good governance and makes many more specific recommendations such as: having a federal system of three regions rather than ten states; gradually demobilize the SPLA and replace it with a systematically trained national army with soldiers drawn equally from each of the three regions; re-draft the national constitution ensuring independence of the executive and judiciary, and limiting the President's use of decrees.

Anna Stone, 2014/02. Nowhere to Go: Displaced and returnee women seeking housing, land and property rights in South Sudan [Report] Norwegian Refugee Council. Accessed online.

This 78-page report describes how, despite national legislation in favour of women's rights on HLP (housing, land and property), implementation of relevant laws is patchy and often confused, creating local political spaces in which women's interests are often overridden. Among its recommendations, GRSS should do more to make the local administrative mechanisms clearer and more transparent, appointing more women to decision-making positions, and exploring ways of waiving fees for registration and surveying of land for the vulnerable. Aid agencies should avoid working mainly with chiefs.

Radio Tamazuj, 2014/01/29. Factbox: Understanding the detainees question in South Sudan [Article] Radio Tamazuj. Accessed online.

Useful summary of the position of the GRSS action against suspected leaders of the alleged 15 December coup as of 29 January. It suggests some legal irregularities.

Jane Kani Edward, 2014/01/28. A Strategy for Achieving Gender Equality in South Sudan [Report] The Sudd Institute. Accessed online.

Useful overview of the special difficulties facing women and girls, and of current thinking about moving more toward gender equality in South Sudan.

David Deng and Elizabeth Deng, 2014/01/08. Bibliography item: David Deng (2014/01/08) "South Sudan talks must make provision for Justice and Reconciliation". (Article). African Arguments. [Article] African Arguments. Accessed online.

This 1,500-word article was probably the first to set the agenda of establishing a hybrid (international and South Sudanese) court to try people responsible for gross atrocities in the violent conflict beginning on 15 December 2013. The authors argue that a process leading towards this should be mandated as part of a negotiated end to the conflict. If it is not then the matter of accountability should be referred by the UN Security Council to the International Criminal Court.

McCue & Partners, 2014. Bibliography item: McCue & Partners (2014) "The Reformists". (Operating document). South Sudan Tribune. [Operating document] South Sudan Tribune. Accessed online.

An allegedly-leaked document marked 'strictly confidential' which appears to be a common agenda framework for the twelve politicians detained by GRSS in December 2013 on suspicion of assisting the alleged coup attempt. The document appears to be drawn up by McCue and Partners (an international company) acting as consultants. It noticeably lacks much substance about political reform, but is more specific about pursuing accountability for atrocities. A hybrid tribunal should be formed, based in the RSS law system but with regional oversight and international community support.

Oxfam, 2014. Above and beyond: Voices of hope from South Sudan [Book] Oxfam. Accessed online.

This short magazine-style book comprises accounts by individual South Sudanese people of their experiences in the aftermath of the violence and rebellion of December 2013. It is both moving and important: a vivid documentation of horrors which affected many people, but also crucially of the humanity and heroism of many South Sudanese.

US Department of State, 2014. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2013: South Sudan [Report] US Department of State. Accessed online.

Lengthy, careful and systematic (though inevitably not comprehensive) account of human rights practices, cagegorized by: (1) respect for the integrity of the person; (2) respect for civil liberties; (3) respect for political rights; (4) corruption and lack of transparency in government; (5) governmental attitude to human rights investigations; (6) discrimination, societal abuses and trafficking in persons; and (7) worker rights.

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